Africa Blog Roundup: Piracy, Remittances, Chinua Achebe, Kenyans and Finns, and More

Baobab asks why piracy is falling off the coast of Somalia:

An alternative, more worrying, explanation may be that Somalia’s pirate gangs have temporarily closed up shop to do some stock-taking, during a period of particularly bad weather. In the week leading up to the release of the IMB report, three vessels were ransomed, including a UAE-flagged ship that had been held for two years. According to this theory, the pirates are clearing their stock of hostages and hijacked ships while they wait for the weather to change and the international community to tire of an expensive policing operation. In the meantime it still pays well.

Lesley Anne Warner looks at piracy numbers for Somalia and the Gulf of Guinea.

Amb. David Shinn flags a report on the US military base in Djibouti.

Roving Bandit flags a working paper on international remittances in Nigeria.

The Apps4Africa 2012 Business Challenge.

Tolu Ogunlesi on Chinua Achebe.

Sean Jacobs: “What would happen if you made a film about a key figure in Finnish history and cast Kenyan actors?”

Carmen McCain on “the first time a full translation of a soyayya novel has been published internationally.” Soyayya is Hausa for “love.”

What are you reading?

Piracy in the Gulf of Guinea

Yesterday, the International Maritime Bureau (IMB) released new figures on piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. Attacks are increasing: out of 102 reported incidents in the first quarter of 2012, “Ten reports were received from Nigeria…equalling the same number reported in Nigeria for the whole of last year.”

The United Nations’ International Maritime Organization has also noted an increase in attacks in the Gulf of Guinea. In February of this year, the UN’s Under Secretary-General for Political Affairs B. Lynn Pascoe called for “a united front” against the problem:

While regional States and organizations have carried out initiatives designed to counter piracy and armed robbery against ships at the national and regional levels, the threat not only persists but appears to be gaining ground in a region where the high-value assets the pirates target are abundant.

Last November, France “launched a three-year plan to train local forces and provide surveillance for anti-piracy operations in Benin, Togo and Ghana.” As the number of attacks in the area continues to rise, other nations may deepen their involvement in the issue as well.

The Christian Science Monitor elaborates on the causes of piracy in West Africa:

Like piracy off the coast of Somalia, the high-seas attacks in the Gulf of Guinea – extending from Ivory Coast in the West toward Nigeria, and down toward the Democratic Republic of Congo – are driven by a combination of economic opportunism by existing criminal gangs, and the lack of governmental capacity to rein in those criminal gangs on shore. Militias in Nigeria’s restive Niger Delta region have long carried out attacks on land-based oil pipelines, siphoning off crude oil in a practice called “illegal bunkering.”

In recent years, these attacks have extended to commercial shipping, and today’s West African pirates hijack ships and direct them to meet up with other large tanker ships specially contracted to offload the volumes of stolen crude oil.

Incidents in Somalia, meanwhile, have decreased (43 in Q1 of 2012 versus 97 in Q1 of 2011). IMB’s report says that “disruptive actions and pre-emptive strikes by the navies in the region” are responsible for the drop, although the threat is “still high.”

CNN and Reuters have more.

The Complexities of Piracy in Somalia and the Gulf of Guinea

Another wave of reporting on piracy in Africa is giving us a chance to examine the nuances of the phenomenon – both change over time and variation from place to place.

Cameroon coast

Reuters writes that a “new generation” of pirates is on the rise in Somalia. These pirates are better organized and equipped than the “older generation,” and may be replacing them:

Jan Kopernicki, president of the UK Chamber of Shipping industry association and also vice president of Shell Shipping, a unit of Royal Dutch Shell, told Reuters an “industrialisation of piracy” was taking place.

“It certainly seems from the shipping industry point of view that it’s a more structured and organised approach that is developing and that is worrying because it’s much more in the area of solid criminality,” he said in an interview.

Kopernicki, who was appointed UK Chamber of Shipping president last month, said there had been a “substitution” of groups involved.

“The first generation pirates have been succeeded by a second generation which are different and from different groups and from what I understand connected differently,” he said.

“I absolutely don’t want to suggest this is linked to terrorism from what I am aware of.”

The previous generation of pirates had divided up ransoms to fund their villages in Somalia, Kopernicki said, adding there was better-organised use now of mother ships and small speed boats known as skiffs.

“We are now seeing structured organisation with material apparently being brought down a supply line to supply these boats and skiffs,” said Kopernicki, who leads Shell’s shipping business.

“The impression we have is that the money flows are leaving Somalia and going into criminal elements.”

I guess that last sentence means Kopernicki sees an internationalization as well as an institutionalization of piracy. The article goes on to mention piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, which is also the subject of a VOA analysis, which stresses the differences that separate pirates in West Africa from their brethren in the Horn: Raymond Gilpin of the US Institute of Peace, interviewed for the article, mentions that the presence of oil companies and the political fallout from an unresolved border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon help drive piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. He points to other differences with the situation in Somalia:

“Somalia is a projection of lawlessness on land out at sea,” said Gilpin. “And therefore you have more organization among the clans to support and sustain piracy. You also have more organization out on the high seas with mother ships supplying and sustaining the skiffs. You also have a lot more organization in terms of financial flows with business communities in Yemen and Kenya and some in Somalia financing, supporting and facilitating the whole chain of piracy through to the ransom.”

In the Gulf of Guinea, Gilpin says most pirates operate individually or in less organized groups of small boats.

“What they do share in common is a general trend toward non-lethality unless they feel that their lives are in danger because what both sets are after is the ransom,” he said.

Gilpin’s remarks help flesh out what Kopernicki was saying about international financial connections for the Somali pirates; if Gilpin is correct, the funding networks are regional in the Horn, not just local.

Gilpin frames Somali piracy as an extension of what happens on land out into the sea; IRIN looks at how what happens at sea affects what happens on land. Piracy, they report, is driving up food costs in Mogadishu and elsewhere.

Pirates operating off Somalia’s coast have started targeting vessels operated by Somali businessmen and carrying food – something which is leading to higher food prices in Mogadishu, according to traders.

“Up until a few weeks ago, they [pirates] avoided hijacking ships carrying cargo for Somali businesses but now it is different,” Abdinasir Aw Kombe, a businessman whose boat was hijacked, told IRIN on 12 April.

He said pirates had hijacked nine vessels mostly carrying food in the last few weeks. He suspected the pirates would use the vessels to hijack other ships.

Owners of vessels used to ferry food to Somalia “are refusing to carry our goods”, Kombe said. “This has created shortages of basic goods, such as rice, flour and sugar.”

For a country that imports more than half its food, the article continues, piracy combines with civil war to devastate the lives of ordinary people.

Lately I’ve developed an allergy to the word “complex,” which gets overused in academia and elsewhere. I’m trying to save it for special topics, for emphasis – and I think it applies in this case. Piracy in Africa gets simplified, especially when writers try to frame it humorously in the “aaarrr, matey” idiom of cinema. It’s easy to think of piracy as an anachronism, a vestige of barbaric earlier times that somehow lingers in a few corners of the modern world. But as these articles show, various factors of our time intersect to produce and propel piracy: local politics, lawlessness at sea, opportunities to attack the assets of wealthy multinational corporations, regional funding networks, and individual desperation. The way piracy looks varies from place to place, and is nowhere static. As the piracy problem grows on both coasts of Africa, local and international policymakers would do well to keep that complexity in mind. The problem has not been – and won’t be – easy to solve.

Sunday Africa Blog Roundup: Mauritanian Islamists, West African Pirates, Music and Islam

Kal continues his series on Islamists in Algeria and Mauritania.

Via Texas in Africa, a post from Modern Day Pirate Tales on an incident of piracy off the coast of Benin.

Pirates boarded a Liberian-flagged, German-operated tanker earlier today. The Cancale Star was attacked by six or seven pirates, according to the tanker’s captain, Jarolslavs Semenovics. They boarded the vessel as she was steaming about 18 nautical miles off the coast of Benin, put a gun to the head of a deckhand and gained entry to the ship. They then forced Captain Semenovics to open the ship’s safe and emptied it of cash. The attack occurred after nightfall, local time.

[...]

Pirates operating in the Gulf of Guinea have a reputation of being much more violent than their Somali brethren, and though overall incidents of piracy in the region are far below the numbers we see off East Africa, this region is still the second worst for attacks on mariners.

Two that I missed last week: Inside Islam looks at music and Islam in Indonesia, and the Project on Middle East Democracy points us to a report by Carnegie Endowment on Middle East Democracy Promotion.

Andrew Heavens at Reuters recounts his experiences during a recent AU delegation visit to Darfur.

Darfur has got used to hosting visitors in the six years since it became one of the world’s best known conflict zones.

North Darfur’s governor Osman Kebir told Tuesday’s trip he had welcomed about 800 delegations since July 2006 which would make about one a day, without adjustment for understandable overstatement.

One official was overheard referring to El Fasher’s “red carpet camps” where residents turn out to welcome party after party.

It was a reminder just how slick all sides to the Darfur conflict have become in selling their story to passing dignitaries — the rebels too have their spokespeople, websites and organised media tours.

Critics question the use of these Darfur day-trips, especially around El Fasher, which is a world away from the region’s remaining badlands where four groups of foreigners have been kidnapped since March.

Members of the AU group defended the visit, saying it was a symbolic gesture of concern and solidarity, adding they would pass on the points made during the 45-minute briefing in Abu Shouk to Khartoum and their headquarters in Addis Ababa.

It might have been interesting to find out what the residents of Abu Shouk themselves thought about the quick consultation.

But this journalist and a colleague were quickly brought back into line when we tried to sneak out of the police compound and walk to the edge of the actual camp.

“You can’t go there, what are you doing?” asked one of the officials with the AU group. “You might speak to the wrong people … And why are you making things more complicated for us than they already are?”

Africa is a Country promotes a new African photography blog.

Finally, Shashank Bengali has written a touching piece on his imminent departure from Africa.